Uganda Working Brief Series
Insights from the District Development Project: Table of Contents
Power Relations in Karamoja: Implications for Decentralised Governance
By Pasquale Ngorok
Abstract
There are many changes in power structures in Uganda today including changes in traditional and governmental power structures. This brief looks at the shifting of power within the Karimojong society in a country that is undergoing a process of decentralisation. The brief intends to analyse the power bases in the traditional Karimojong society by looking at the positive and negative aspects of this power structure and how it challenges and complements the country’s move towards decentralisation. It attempts to identify areas of potential overlap and mutual support as well as areas of conflict with a view to providing some recommendations for effective decentralised governance in the region.
Karimojong [1] Power Structure
The Karimojong are traditionally structured on a democratic age-set system of power. The word ‘democracy’ here does not mean that people elect the members of the age-set directly, rather it is that the authority for the age-set, such as the elders, is valid only in so far as they represent the interests of the majority of people. Besides representing the views of people, the Karimojong political structure has a democratic decision-making process where the elders make decisions over the daily life of the people through consultation with community members. Decisions are made about whether to move the village from one site to another; to declare war; to accept terms of peace; or to move cattle from one area to another. Everything must be put to the people through consultation and come out stamped with the approval of the people.
There are three main power bases in Karimojong society: the elders, the male youth (karachuna [2]), and the fortune-tellers. The elders make decisions over the daily lives of the people in consultation with the fortune-tellers (traditional healers/seers). The elders are the decision-makers while their sons are the implementers. When the elders become insufficient in number to conduct the cultural ceremonies, they hand over decision-making power to their sons, who then become the elders and the cycle continues.
In recent years, however, the balance of decision-making has been gradually shifting from the elders to the karachuna who possess power through the use of threats and violence. This view is supported by Omwony Ojwok [3]:
‘With the adoption of modern technology in form of the gun in the hands of the Karimojong, there is a great shift in the traditional power structure. The gun has radically changed the capacity of the young to influence and discipline each other. In this process, the elders have lost their capacity to impose sanctions and order vis-a-vis a group of recalcitrant people who are armed and often living outside the mainstream society.’
Despite these observations, the traditional power structure is still strong and held in structures such as the clan, family, kraal, tribe, and village. What is required for better governance is to transform the positive aspects of these institutions into vehicles for decentralised governance. In order to do so, there is a need to identify the positive aspects of these traditional institutions.
The power of the elders is now being diminished by changes in the Karimojong society but remain as repositories of cultural and traditional power. It is within this context that they command Karimojong society. The karachuna have assumed more power than merely executing the decisions of the elders. They can openly defy the elders, but prefer to consult and confide in the fortune-tellers.
In the Karimojong power structure, the traditional healers and fortune-tellers still wield a lot of power. They are consulted in times of disaster and drought. They interpret the many events and what omens go with them for the Karimojong. Fortune tells can forewarn people of an impending catastrophe and how to avert it. Karachuna consult them before organising cattle raids. This category of the Karimojong power structure cuts across and transcends that of the elders and the karachuna.
The traditional Karimojong organisational system has two tiers: the clan (at the parish level, see Table 1) and the ethnic group (county level). The clan is a major social link and a vital economic unit. Politically it is central as a key unit for defence and security. It is also the custodian of various rites and religious ceremonies. The county level is where every ethnic group derives its name and identity.
Local Government Power Structure
The present local government structure can be traced back to the beginning of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) rule, which introduced the Resistance Council System throughout the country. The introduction of Resistance Councils (now called Local Councils) ushered in the democratisation of local administration. For the first time this introduced popularly elected councils and committees from the village to the district levels. Subsequently, a number of reforms followed, that strengthened this democratisation: the Constitution of 1995 and the Local Government Act, 1997. The local government system consists of five levels: local council five (district/city) and local council one (see Table 1).
Table 1| Level of Local Council | Rural Local Councils in Uganda | Urban Local Councils |
| LC5 | 45 District Councils | 1 City |
| LC4 | 151 County Councils | 13 Municipalities |
| LC3 | 962 Sub-county Councils | 42 Town Councils |
| LC2 | 4,517 Parish Councils | Wards |
| LC1 | Village Councils |
The District is the highest level of local government and constitutes
a link between the central government and the local governments. All
funds from the centre flow through the LC5. At the sub-county level,
the key institutions are basically the Council, the Executive Committee,
and the administration/technical staff. The sub-county is the lowest
level of local government with the power to collect and distribute resources.
Staff is generally employed by the district but are accountable to the
sub-county council and executive committee of the council. The Councils
and Committees at the parish and village levels implement community
projects and function as channels between the communities and higher
levels of government.
Although Kotido district falls among the last batch of districts to be decentralised in 1995, there are some visible signs that the system has made a positive impact. The local governments are:
a) Bridging the distance between central and local governments:
In Kotido, decentralisation has created mechanisms to enhance the influence of decentralised bodies in national politics. Elected leaders of Kotido district have been able to represent the interests of the district at national level.b) Facilitating the upward flow of information:
Due to representative leadership, information from the district has been fed into the national administrative system and responses have been received about the local level needs such as insecurity in Kotido.c) Ensuring poor remote areas of fairer representation in the district development programmes:
Each sub-county has an elected representative on the district council. Therefore, it has been possible for them to lobby for the needs of marginalised groups and areas within the district.
Areas of Mutual Support and Conflict
On one had, both decentralisation and the traditional power structure in Kotido provide substantial support to each other particularly in the following areas:
- Elected leaders
on the councils
The system of decentralised democracy has not only increased the level of local participation but also increased the number of women in leadership. Many Karimojong are increasingly becoming interested in local and national politics. - Bringing
attention to socio-cultural factors
Some informal local arrangements for coping with problems have been incorporated into the formal political process because of decentralisation. This has been evidenced in the vigilante system that policies the Karimojong villages.
On the other hand, the present decentralised system has not formally incorporated traditional institutions into its system of governance. Although some of the traditionally important and recognised people get elected onto the local councils, this does not place them at the centre of implementation of government policy. Besides, the councils have little or no knowledge about their power to oversee the civil servants and ensure that they deliver according to plan. This has been a result of policies that are not widely publicised before implementation.
In Karimojong villages, males (elders and karachuna) dominate decisions concerning security for animals and people, while women and girls give support to the provision of social services. Division of labour is well defined and there are social sanctions applied in the case where one fails in his/her duties. It is the responsibility of the village to ensure that all different categories of people in their village honour their responsibilities.
Probably one of the areas where the Karimojong traditional political system conflicts greatly with decentralisation is the assessment, collection, and administration of taxes. The Karimojong did not pay taxes before. The introduction of taxes even before decentralisation was not accompanied by adequate information concerning the reasons for and uses of taxes. As if that is not bad enough, the tax administrators are viewed as agents charged with promoting selfish interests of the government.
Moreover, the Karimojong whether central or decentralised, have consistently misunderstood the whole connotation of government. Most post-independence regimes treated the Karamoja region with overt neglect. Karamoja was referred to as a ‘special’ district and its people were not supposed to move freely outside Karamoja. Development programmes were designed and implemented with little or no involvement of the communities. In extreme cases, some programmes were forced on the people. As a result the Karimojong name for government denotes ‘force’ or ‘cruelty.’ It was only in the late 80s that the central government began to acquire a better image when decentralisation came to the scene. However there is still a limited understanding of government (centralised or decentralised). The changes have been too rapid for the Karimojong to fathom.
Conclusion
As a way of wrapping up the discussion about the implications of power relations on local governance in Karamoja, this brief offers three broad recommendations to improve decentralised governance in Karamoja.
1. Carry out a mass education and sensitisation of the Karimojong on decentralised governance.
This seems to be the first solution. The education and sensitisation can be broken down into the components found in the local government sensitisation manual prepared by the Programme Management Unit of the Ministry of Local Government.2. Recognise the positive values within the Karimojong traditional structures.
The positive values of the Karimojong participating in their traditional, consultative decision-making processes could be used to help them identify people to lead them at the grassroots levels.3. Use the local Karimojong power structures to support development projects.
Since the Karimojong recognise and respect the leadership roles of the elders, the karachuna and the fortune-tellers, all three structures should be acknowledged by local government development interventions within the district. For example, the fortune-tellers can be very instrumental at the design of projects, particularly if they understand the future benefits to the community. A fortune-teller can ‘predict’ the advantages of a project for the community, thus attracting participation and interest in project activities. Then the karachunas should be encouraged to monitor the implementation of the project. The elders could then participate in the review, evaluation, and official hand over of finished projects to the communities.
Footnotes
1 Karamoja is a region in northeastern Uganda covering the district of Moroto and Kotido. The Karimojong are people of Karamoja. [return]
2 This group is the most influential group of the Karimojong today. They include warlords, kraal leaders, and young men armed with AK-47 guns. Experience has shown that they can defy the will of the elders and political leaders when decisions they have made do not favour the karachuna. [return]
3 Strategies for Peace and Sustainable Development for Karamoja and the Neighbouring Districts. Teso Commission. Kampala. Articrafts (U) Ltd. 1994. [return]
